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On the streets, 25 grams of marijuana are more or less worth a hundred pesos, which means that a joint is worth four pesos, sport gear that costs to pesos on the streets is worth ten joints in prison, i.
From the perspective of trading opportunities, the different processes by which goods are valued create exchanges rates of which Pepe and his wife know how to take advantage. Except for drugs, such processes also indicate the mechanisms that account for the assessment of value. The goods that are exchanged do not have an a priori value prior to being introduced into the prison economy.
In most cases, these goods have been stolen, or are but gifts offered by visitors. As a result, their value is not rigidly determined by some predefined value standards, but by an ad hoc system of transactions. This is the reason why, for example, the value of goods vary according to the social positions of the parties to the exchanges. The time of the exchange also gives rise to variations in prices.
For instance, phonecard loans are most costly during evenings towards the end of the week than at the beginning of the week. This shows that transactions do not occur in impersonal commercial environments Weber and Duffy, Quite the contrary, these transactions are informed by power relations as well as by processes by which goods that do not have an a priori value are assessed in a somewhat ad hoc way.
For most objects that are introduced on the market do not have a price, inmates must construct assessment procedures which take into account the time of the exchange, the hierarchical position held by the parties to the exchange, and the kind of money that is used for the transaction.
Phonecard money, as well as joints, are used as corrosive monies, i. This system results in low levels of money hoarding and accumulation. Put otherwise, money is not used as a store of value, but exclusively as a unit of account and a medium of exchange.
Other goods e. Conclusion The use of joints as money is part of a transformation of the system of assessment of value in the carceral system. If so, monies cannot operate as equivalents in mechanisms leading to the setting of prices because the monies that circulate in prison are not unified by an all-encompassing principle. Such observations seem to indicate that the same words can refer to the same entity, even if the uses of these words exhibit a fair amount of variability.
If I followed this train of thoughts, I would be led to the impossibility of language and communication. In any event, theories that consider money to be some general equivalent will not cast any light on the empirical findings that I have presented. As argued by Marie Cuillerai , theories of substitution and simulacra, especially the ones sketched by Foucault and Klossowksy, open more promising avenues.
The reason why transactions could do so lies in the fact that they disconnect monetary exchanges from the circulation of goods.
As a result, monetary exchanges belong to the sphere of social relations. The simulacrum can then be grasped as an entity constituted by immanent social relations, and foreign to any substantial notion of value ….
This theoretical background seems well-suited to transactions occurring in prison insofar as the assessment of the value of goods does not rest on the intrinsic value of the goods. Given their source, the goods entering the prison economy do not have a price, and as a result the value of these goods cannot be solely assessed based on considerations regarding the productive sphere.
Instead, the value of these goods rely on power relations and the moral economy of the carceral system. In this respect, it helps explain why different monies refer to the same goods in distinct ways — regardless of the existence or not of a general equivalent.
It also accounts for the rise and fall of monies according to the identity of the agents operating on such and such market as well as their evolving moral valence. Klossowski, to be published. He coordinates chronicle workshops in Buenos Aires and other Latin American cities. Between and he directed the judicial news agency Infojus Noticias. It is published by the independent company So Press. It is published monthly in Berlin.
In fact, since , he organises scientific dissemination events with important specialists in the field. I[ 18] nterview conducted over the Internet on 5 September Audience data began to be collected from References Anderson, L.
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Las nuevas formas de contar historias en revistas y cronistas latinoamericanos de hoy. Barcelona: Anagrama.
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Periodismo narrativo. Pitanga is an indigenous Brazilian plant from the Mirtaceae family, extending over a wide area from north to south Lorenzi, Pest insects of the palm tree Mauritia flexuosa L.
Page and Topics Discussed in This Paper. Read Online Sliceforms pdf merge: Frtales y hortalizas promisorios de la Amazonia. Journal of Nutrition and Metabolism — Hindawi ; Abstract. No lo es siquiera en el Fri Sep 25, 8: Convergence in community structure and dietary adaptation crutales Australian possums and gliders and Malagasy lemurs.
Frutales y hortalizas promisorias del Amazonas. Frutales y hortalizas promisorios de la Amazonia. It occurs spontaneously in the states of Minas Gerais, Rio de Janeiro, … a03v75n3.